Jimmy Carter was a moral, principled president in whose fireside chats a la FDR, looking very much like Mr. Rogers in his cardigan and simple shoes, he urged Americans to turn their heat down, thereby missing the point of the competitive, free market which is at the hear of the American enterprise. We are not a moral people and while we might adhere to the rules of polity that make civil society workable, we are not about to trade comfort, desire, and wealth for principle.
There were those who admired Carter for such principle. It was about time that a president used his bully pulpit for more than saber rattling and patriotism; but most Americans would only adjust their thermostats if made to - i.e. if there were a price to pay.
Today's liberal acts with the same diffuse, arbitrary morality. He recycles assiduously, assuring that cans are rinsed and never mixed with plastic, sorts and triages, and adds a compost bin to those in the alley. The economics of recycling are irrelevant. It is received wisdom, an obvious good, a must for the planet. The same goes for electric vehicles, another unchallenged, absolute good.
The child labor in the Eastern Congo, the gaping mining holes in the Arizona desert, the disposal cost of toxic battery materials, the sudden and precipitous demand for electrical power generated by AI beggaring the environmental impact of E-vehicles, and the new geopolitical competition for rare earths destabilizing the Third World countries are all overlooked.
The modern liberal, a legatee of Jimmy Carter's naive morality, persists in his accumulation of received wisdom. Hypocrisy abounds. Socialist Senator Bernie Sanders who advocates for every progressive cause and insists on the redistribution of wealth, is a millionaire, owns three homes travels to environmental conferences in a private jet and travels to the airport in gas-inefficient SUVs. 'Do as I say, not as I do', says the Senator. 'It's the principle that matters', and given P.T. Barnum's famous adage, 'A sucker is born every minute', millions of credulous Americans light candle to the senator from Vermont and believe his every word.
When Donald Trump arrived on the scene, few in the political aerie of Washington took him seriously. He was a man without principle, without an iota of the compassion and humility of Carter or the rectitude of Joe Biden. He had nothing of LBJ's higher order principles - The Great Society and Civil Rights. Trump was a charlatan, a con man, a man of Hollywood, Las Vegas, and the mean streets of New York without a scintilla of morality. He was out to enlarge, enhance, and expand his own personal financial empire at the expense of the nation.
Of course he was none of those things. Liberals had simply never seen a man like this who had rock-solid conservative principles no different from Ronald Reagan but who was a vaudevillian, a tummler, a Borscht Belt comedian, and outrageous circus act who looked very much like America.
Former President Bill Clinton
famously announced that his Cabinet was 'going to look like America' and by so
claiming he began the downward spiral into divisive, contentious DEI (Diversity
Equity Inclusivity); but Trump was the first real American President - a man
who not only tapped into middle class, middle brow, bourgeois aspirations, but
embodied them. He was crass, vulgar, and with a kitschy, tacky taste - as
American as apple pie - and liberals hated him for abandoning their sense of
righteousness and moral purpose.
Worse than that, they saw him as evil – a sorcerer and shaman in the court of the Devil, a fiendish interloper who had to be stopped at all costs. It was no longer a matter of politics or matters for the loyal opposition. This was a visitation of evil, a man not only without moral principle, but one espousing moral absence – a vacuity of principle not just a political revision.
His was a rule of perverse legerdemain through which he cast a spell on millions who were now his ardently defiant supporters. Only political exorcism would rid the country of such scourge. Lawsuits, claims of personal and official malfeasance, and attacks on character and family went on for years but to no avail. His attempts to reconstitute America into a soulless, acquisitive, morally indifferent country went undaunted.
The American Left engineered a revision of sexual identity, insisting that sexuality was only a matter of choice and preference. Heterosexuality was only one option on the so-called gender spectrum, one of a hundred or more possibilities. No one needed to be artificially locked into an arbitrary sexuality. Biology and genetics were overruled. The 'other gendered' were championed as the new wave of social reconfiguration. Motherhood, fatherhood, siblinghood, the whole gamut of reproduction and social organizations to encompass it were rethought. The idea of sexual attractiveness, female beauty, and virility was reset.
Except for Donald Trump who had always been the squire of beautiful women. Ever since his earliest New York days, Trump was a sought-after male - handsome, wealthy, confident, and appreciative and lover of women. Female company was part of his persona, his life and his weltanschauung - not just any women but the most beautiful, the most desirable, the top of the line.
He like Dominique Strauss-Kahn, former French presidential candidate and well-known Lothario, did not stop there. Their courtesan lovers were worthy of a Sultan's harem. A beautiful, accommodating, attentive call girl was simply part of the sexual panoply. When Strauss-Kahn was caught in a prostitution sting, he defiantly replied to his accusers, 'How was I to know they were prostitutes? All women look the same with their clothes off'.
The allure of such men, both Trump and Strauss-Kahn, was limitless. They were the quintessential, unreconstructed, unbowed, and unapologetic lover of women. Women were not put off by their many lovers, but wanted men like this, men who reveled in sexual conquest, sexual favors, and the sexual satisfaction that only they could give.
While Trump never dismissed homosexuals - his libertine philosophy was all-inclusive - he felt sorry for those who would never know the Lawrentian, ying-yang, Tantric pleasures of heterosexual sex. Homosexuality was not a perversion, but a sad missing out.
And so it was that heterosexual sex defined the man, Trump, and whether princess or courtesan, he thanked God for the pleasure.
This male, virile, strong-willed, dominant character was the real reason why Trump hatred emerged; and when added to his hopelessly bourgeois taste - the tacky White House ballroom, the outrageously Las Vegas Arch of Victory, or the Disney-esque Field of American heroes - on top of his radically conservative political initiatives, it was no wonder that the Left was apoplectic. It was one thing to hate a man for one of the three, but all three was the perfect storm.
Never had progressives seen such a man, a profoundly American man, the embodiment of every lowbrow aspiration of the American lower classes, a sexual truant, a social deviant, and man so ruled by antagonism to good that he could only be a spawn of the Devil.
This is why Donald Trump is the most complex, fascinating, and unique President in American history. Other presidents have had lovers, popular appeal and challenging political policies; but none have had the complete package - a man to be envied.
As psychologists know, envy leads to disastrous corners, and progressives who cannot bring themselves to admire such a sexually, politically, financially, and socially successful man, can only hate him. The perversion is theirs, not his.
Complexity is hard for the single-minded, and the American Left has shown itself to be a Johnny One Note, capable of one thing and one thing only - hate for Donald Trump.
The rest of the country has seen a once in a lifetime - no, once in history - American original, and the country will never forget him.
Of course many of his policies are worth examination and opposition - such is the nature of radical politics - but that is beside the point. To miss the Donald Trump show and to focus on the obvious, predictable, nit-picky aspects of governance, is to miss the spectacle of a lifetime.










