It is no surprise to Trump supporters that he won. Radical populism
reflecting the resentment, frustration, and marginalization of the white middle
class had been around for a long time and only needed a voice to be heard.
They had had enough of government intrusion in personal affairs,
interventionism in religious and spiritual affairs, arrogant assumptions of
correctness about social norms, wasted resources on failed social programs, and
a pusillanimous foreign policy long before Donald Trump spoke out against
progressive arrogance, America’s retrograde slide into moral relativism, and
the faux intellectualism and presumed righteousness of the media.
Anyone spending any time in the rural Midwest or Deep South would have sensed
this frustrated anger years ago. The more Black Lives Matter rose in national
prominence; the more LGBT activists sought to enforce alternate sexual
lifestyles; and the more progressives tired to engineer progress in education or
dysfunctional communities through identity politics and self-esteem, the more
middle class conservatives quietly seethed. Too many police were being killed.
Too many children were being promoted with diversity skills only to be left
behind once they left school. Too many tax dollars were being spent on
job-suffocating, idealistic environmental EPA programs.
The 60 million or so Americans who voted for Donald Trump finally have a
voice; and however much he may soften his populist stance, the genie cannot be
put back in the bottle. Neo-socialism has had its day; and regardless of Bernie
Sanders’ hopeful, idealistic message of equality, wealth distribution, and a
more fair, just, equitable society, few Americans are having any of it.
More and more Americans, perhaps for the first time, have understood the
principles of the Founding Fathers. Government, they said, was the handmaiden
of the people, created to protect the God-given rights of individuals to
practice their faith, to express their ideas, and and to realize their full
economic potential.
Jefferson understood that a Republic is only an assemblage – a collective –
of individual wills. Government can adjudicate disputes, invest in the
infrastructure which necessarily underlies private enterprise, and use its
military power to defend the Republic; but it should never arrogate to itself
the authority of the people.
Populism at its best is a movement to restore individualism, local authority,
and community values. There is no reason, populist conservatives say, for the
Supreme Court to rule on abortion and gay marriage, when these issues are still
contentious and undecided. Every conservative understands that a
privately-owned or private business has a moral identity – a core ethos which is
as valid as an individual one – and that attempts to force it to conform to
secular principles with which it does not agree are wrong. Every working man
who sees his paycheck co-opted by a federal government whose policies, politics,
programs, and agendas conflict with his has a right to refuse.
Agreed and understood; but what about the 60 million Americans who voted for
Hillary Clinton and for a continuance of progressive agendas, policies, and
programs?
The demonstrations, marches, and protests sponsored by the liberal Left
continue. The Washington Mall has seen marches for women’s rights (against
Trump’s misogyny and gender indifference), the climate (against Trump’s
anti-science, 19th century convictions of natural evolution), and civil rights
(his dismissal of black rights in favor of police authority).
The Left – disbelieving, shocked, and wounded – cannot believe that the
country has taken such a rightward, backward, and ignorant turn. They have for
decades assumed that their agenda of multiculturalism, secularism, and identity
politics was endowed. It was not simply a platform, but a program of absolute
value and unquestioned right.
Will this continue? Or will there be some seepage at least – some trickle
up – of populist ideals into the Establishment?
In principle, academia prizes objectivity and reason; and more than anything
appreciates the cyclical nature of history. Nothing much has changed in seven
millennia of civilization. Wars, territorialism, internecine warfare,
nationalism, empire, political hegemony have characterized human settlements
since the beginning of recorded history and will continue unless and until human
nature changes. Plus Ça Change…
Yet despite this objective and correct review of history, academics are in
the forefront of political activism. The world – despite the lessons of
history – is on the path of progress. With only a concerted effort,
the juggernaut of indifferent history can be stopped. A better world is at
hand.
Where is the firewall? At what point do populist ideas penetrate? Is the Left
perpetually consigned to old history? When will it accept that the pendulum has
swung; that progressivism is not The End of History.
In one of the most significant and ironic literary events in recent memory,
Francis Fukuyama published his book, The End of History, in which he
suggested that with the fall of the Soviet Union, the clash of political
philosophies – capitalism and socialism – had ended. Capitalism and liberal
democracy had won.
The American Left cheered. Not only had democracy triumphed, but the way of
progressive liberalism was clear.
Not. Not only had Fukuyama missed rising Islamic radicalism, but he had
overlooked the equally important growing populist nationalism of Europe and the
United States.
Although socialists, Leftists, and progressives in Europe and the United
States may disagree, the tide has turned rightward. No longer can the
sentiments of the less-educated, rural, more religious, and conservative
electorate be ignored. In fact the cultural-political-social lines have already
been drawn. Assumptions of the undeniability of multiculturalism, religious
relativism, and the inevitable dismissal of Judeo-Christian values are being
challenged. The old, tried-and-true integrative paradigms no longer hold.
Will the sides harden? Is there nothing but cultural war for the
foreseeable future?
The swings of American history are very shallow In only a few generations
the country has seen the radical, liberal Sixties and the revolutionary populism
of today. A decisive turn towards conservative populism is overdue.
What will this entail? Determinism – the ineluctable, predictable repetition
of historical events – is not enough. While some in academia might leave
partisan and emotional commitments aside and become synchronous with current
events, most will not. They will resist to the end of tenure, retirement, and
old age.
Entrenched pundits of the New York Times, Washington Post, and The Guardian
among others may pick up on popular sentiment and report on some populism and
eventually move away from progressive assumptions. The drumbeat of Trump
loyalists’ criticism of the media may finally resonate and force the
Establishment media to withdraw their horns.
More than likely the Trump populist revolution will gradually but undeniably
crack the foundations of liberal shibboleths, and academics, pundits, and
Washington insiders will jump aboard.
To deny this is to deny the reality of the populist revolution; but to do so
would be to deny not only America but Europe, Russia, China, the Philippines,
and indeed Africa.
Populism is indeed trickling up.
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