Randall Johns had always been able to see both sides of an argument, and
therefore found it difficult if not impossible to choose one over the other.
It was not because he was timid or indecisive, lacking in moral fiber, or a
cultural relativist; but because immediate temporal concerns always faded,
became indistinct, and disappeared over time. What was considered right, true,
and noble five-hundred years ago is thought quaint, troubling, or ignorant
today. Whether economic theory, religious practice, social organization,
political movements, or cultural expression, nothing is of absolute value, all
is reconsidered and rethought, and different paradigms of purposeful behavior
are elaborated.
This is not to say that Randall was either amoral or immoral. He abided by
the codes of ethics and morality that prevailed, insisted that his children
follow them and deviate as little as possible from them, and tried to act
honorably and honestly.
When it came to any more than these well-defined, limited moral precepts –
that is any attempt to give them a higher, more universal, or more generalized
authenticity – he demurred. Creating movements out of personal rectitude always
lead to division, dissension, and disharmony. The Crusades transformed simple
religious belief into Holy War. Mohammed’s Islamic crusade was based on an even
simpler and more austere belief, but there was nothing simple about Muslim
expansionism and conquest.
The Crusades did indeed expand or at least consolidate Christianity – a good
thing in the mind of Christians who devoutly believed in the divinity of Jesus
Christ, his redemption, and salvation. The Crusades were also examples of
militant political expansionism – ridding Jerusalem and the Holy Land of the
infidel was as much driven by imperialism as it was by faith.
The French, Russian, and American Revolutions put elitist aristocracies on
notice. The world would no longer tolerate authoritarianism and political power
would always remain in the hands of the people. Of course the Jacobins gave the
Revolution a very bad name, as did Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin. Power may shift
centers, but some form of central authority will always remain or resurge.
Religious tolerance was a feature of the American Revolution, but militant
Islam wants no part of it. How, they say, can secular law possibly supersede
God’s law? The entire concept of the secular, democratic nation-state is being
challenged from Asia to Europe and the Americas.
While these historical events are neither not new nor surprising, they are
raised here only to illustrate Randall Johns’ increasing lack of
enthusiasm for causes, movements, and reform. Not only do political ideas and
convictions come and go, but because they are by and large secular and temporal,
there can be no point in investing any energy in them. Leading a moral, ethical
life in accordance with the standards of the times is enough. Given the
perennially changing nature of principle, there would be no point in taking
sides or investing valuable personal energy.
Therefore when asked about abortion, gender transformation, income
inequality, climate change, or socio-cultural diversity, Randall demurred.
There were legitimate moral arguments against abortion, and valid positions
concerning individual and civil rights. The reconfiguration of the gender
binomial into a spectrum of possibilities seems to some a deformation of
essential Biblical teaching; but to others it is no more than a physical
expression of cultural dynamism.
Moreover in the post-human generation virtuality will replace reality, and
genetic recombination will completely transform what we think of as human
nature. Binomial sexuality will be a thing of the past.
If global warming is an irreversible phenomenon, then the human organism can
be as easily modified to adapt to new conditions as GMO seeds.
The nature of morality within a virtual world is completely unknown, and the
need for it may disappear entirely.
A man like Randall Johns, keeping his own counsel, never exercised about
venality, ignorance, greed, adventurism, and arrogance because they are part and
parcel of the human experience, unchangeable since homo sapiens and probably
long before that, is in progressives’ crosshairs. How, in the face of such
corrosive, selfish, and theatrical politics, could he possibly sit on the
sidelines? With the climate heating rapidly, the polar ice caps melting, and
corn crops moving steadily northward, how could he demur? Where were his
principles?
Typically, Randall never rose to the bait. Whether put on earth by design or
accident, he was created with intelligence, wit, insight and creativity; and
since there were no absolutes – no irreducible causes or principles – there was
no point in directing these attributes to anything other than personal
satisfaction and even enlightenment. Figuring out what’s what before the end of
his life may have nothing to do with either life, death, or what comes after;
but it certainly had more reasonable salience than anything else.
Randall never expected the virulence of the attacks against him. Somehow
diffidence, regardless of how intellectually well-grounded it might be, was far
more threatening than a simple difference of opinion. Few people were able to
take “I don’t care” as an answer.
Randall was by no means ignorant of the various political issues dividing the
country. In fact, because he saw both sides, and was willing to consider both,
he could argue strongly and intelligently.
This was not to say that he argued both sides. On the contrary, he was very
decisive about his economic, social, and cultural conclusions. He saw no
contradiction in having to stake in the arguments and arguing well. Even if it
did not matter to him whether or not the conservative measures he favored in
education, social welfare, justice, and economics became law, defending his
positions using his fluency, focus, historical perspective, and quick uptake was
satisfying if not fun.
His close friends understood him well – diffidence had nothing to do with
lack of interest, appreciation of nuance, or even relative rightness of
opinion. It was simply that Randall did not care about outcomes. Process was
distinct from product. You could indeed have one without the other.
Those who knew him less well became defensively argumentative when the
discussion turned to politics. They, arguing from personally validating
positions, insisted that they meet him on equal grounds; and when he demurred,
or withdrew from an argument before it had concluded, they were nonplussed.
More than that Randall was threatening to those who had built their
self-image and public persona on the basis of political philosophy. Anyone who
was indifferent to such philosophical belief and who had no interest in using it
to create, burnish, or expand personal influence was dangerous. It was one
thing to fight to the end over a point of deeply-held political principle;
another thing altogether to lay down the white King and ask for a rematch.
Despite the overwhelming evidence that history repeats itself, that cultural
and social mores come and go; that economic systems rise and fall, and that
empires emerge and disappear, there are those who believe that this time it will
be different. If only we acted together with passion, commitment, and energy,
we can make a difference. We can make the world a better place.
The likes of Randall Johns are nettling. They disturb idealistic perfection
without saying a word. Their mere silence is a rebuke, an unanswerable
criticism. There is no way to respond to anyone with long historical vision and
an intelligent future one.
Randall Johns went about is business. He was never arrogantly indifferent or
dismissive of others’ concerns. He was patient, eager to engage, and conversant
with most issues. He, and only he, could walk away from an argument calm and
collected. He had invested nothing other than debating skills. His
challengers, however, went back to lick wounds that were far deeper.
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